The present study aimed at developing a new measure of maternal ambivalence that could be easily administered to women. In doing so, we also aimed test whether the scale presented good evidence in terms of internal consistency (consistency with the theoretical three-factor structure) and validity (correlations with measures of anxiety, depression, and satisfaction with life). In sum, the analyses supported the theorized three-factor solution, which we labelled as Doubts, Rejection, and Suppression, and these dimensions of ambivalence correlated with measures of anxiety, depression, and life satisfaction in the expected direction. Finally, we found differences in maternal ambivalence according to the perinatal moment, with pregnant women presenting more Doubts and showing a more expressive as opposed to suppressive ambivalence coping style than recent mothers. Overall, these findings suggest that the development of the scale was successful and indicate that this might be a clinically relevant tool to be used in women at different perinatal stages.
Maternal ambivalence is a complex construct. According to past research, we proposed that a measure of maternal ambivalence should include the following three aspects, namely Doubts about willing to be a mother or about being a good mother [2, 12, 21], Rejection (as opposed to Conviction) about being a mother [2, 12, 21, 22], and the Coping strategy (suppression/expression) used to deal with ambivalence [14, 24]. Encouragingly, the factor analyses, both when conducted in an exploratory and in a confirmatory manner, replicated this three-factor solution and the items were distributed as anticipated. This result is important because it represents the first attempt to provide a broad and exhaustive evaluation of maternal ambivalence based on a robust theoretical definition of the construct at issue. Also importantly, we proposed a second-order factor, which we labelled total MAS score, which can be used as a combination of all ambivalence factors within a single score.
The Doubts factor is the one that better represents the original definition of ambivalence. It refers to the co-existence of positive and negative evaluations and feelings regarding motherhood. A clear example of this is item 10: “When I think about motherhood, I have mixed positive and negative feelings.“ Not surprisingly, the Doubts dimension presented the strongest correlations with the measures used to evaluate the construct validity evidence of the MAS, namely anxiety, depression, and life satisfaction. These findings should be taken with caution due to the cross-sectional and non-experimental nature of the data, but one possible explanation for the results is that the presence of doubts about motherhood represents a source of discomfort in the mother, which might lead to anxiety and depression, especially if Doubts are maintained. Having doubts about maternity has been sometimes argued to be a natural and non-pathological process [12]. However, if unaddressed, research has also shown that doubts may cause feelings of uncertainty or inadequacy, fear of rejection, and other detrimental mental outcomes in the mother [12,13,14]. In line with these latter ideas, the present study results and past research [2] support the idea that identifying and reducing sources of doubt in women who experience recurrent and intense doubts about maternity during the perinatal period would be recommendable.
The Rejection of motherhood factor (as opposed to Conviction) refers to the meaning attributed to motherhood at that specific moment during a woman’s life, as well as her ideas about the relationship between maternity and her life purpose and identity. An example of this is item 4: “Being a mother at this time means moving forward and evolving in my life.“ Attributing a positive meaning to maternity and being confident about one’s will and ability to be a mother has been argued to positively impact well-being in the mother [2, 22]. Thus, as in the case of doubts, allocating professional support (e.g., midwifes, nurses, psychologists, or physicians) to increase perceived self-efficacy about maternity and to help mothers experience maternity as a more favourable period would be a sensible idea according to past research and the present study results. For example, a study revealed that perinatal women would like to receive information about the physical and psychological changes expected during pregnancy and after birth and development of the baby and they were generally open to receiving this information in an online format, which makes dissemination easier and cheaper [50].
Suppression is the third and final dimension in the MAS. In the maternal area, coping efforts have been generally conceptualized as a dichotomy between approach (i.e., seeking support and information when planning and preparing for maternity) and avoidance, such as attempts not to confront the challenges associated with preparing for maternity [14]. Approach in the MAS would be represented by items like “If I had doubts about motherhood, I would share them openly with a friend”, while avoidance would be represented by item “If I had any doubts about motherhood, I would probably keep them to myself.” Thus, Suppression in the MAS would evaluate the tendency to keep to oneself or to share ambivalent attitudes and feelings with people from the close circle (i.e., family, romantic partner, and close friends) as a strategy to deal with maternal ambivalence.
Expressing one’s emotions requires being aware of one’s internal states (e.g., maternal ambivalence) and allowing oneself to openly express such experience, while suppression implies less openness to one’s emotional states or to the consequences of sharing such emotions [51]. Not surprisingly, seeking emotional support is an adaptive emotion regulation strategy that minimizes the effects of stress and promotes well-being, as opposed to more inhibited coping styles that tend to lead to increased intrapersonal and interpersonal costs, such as depression, life dissatisfaction, and distancing by others [52, 53]. These detrimental interpersonal consequences of emotion suppression might be particularly relevant in maternity, because this might be a particularly challenging period which might be ameliorated if social support is present [54]. Our results support this idea that expression, in the case of ambivalence, would be preferable to suppression for the well-being (i.e., anxiety, depression, and life satisfaction) of mothers. Efforts should be made to encourage emotion expression, both by training mothers and their social acquaintances, but a model of flexibility in coping appears to be key [55]. In the case of mothers, this would refer to the ability to express or suppress one’s ambivalence depending on the situation. For example, it might be adequate to express ambivalence in an intimate situation with a romantic partner or a close friend (i.e., as evaluated in the MAS), where contingencies and potential misunderstandings might be more easily detected and dealt with, while suppression might be preferable in the presence of larger groups or in front of individuals with whom intimacy levels are low.
In addition to the findings in relation to the factor structure and construct validity of the MAS, another interesting finding was that some dimensions of ambivalence were different when comparing pregnant women and recent mothers (< less two years since delivery). It has been suggested that pregnant women are more likely to experience frustration compared to postpartum women because many of the experiences they undergo during pregnancy cannot be altered, such as the time until delivery, and also do not have the reinforcement of interacting with the baby-born [14]. This led us think that ambivalence would be higher during pregnancy. The results in this regard, however, were mixed. While the differences between both samples were not significant in the case of doubts, pregnant women were more likely to express their ambivalence, but less likely to be convinced about maternity than their counterparts. One first novel conclusion is that doubts about maternity might appear both during the gestation period and in the postpartum (i.e., two years after birth). This suggests that the postpartum experience would not be an element that solves doubts by itself, so the transition to motherhood might be a progressive and personal process for every woman that depends on a wider set of variables other than giving birth [2].
Regarding Rejection of motherhood, women who were already mothers were more confident and attributed a more positive meaning to motherhood than pregnant women. One possibility that explains this difference could lie in the bond between the mother and the baby. For example, it is possible that, once the baby is born and is “physical present and available” for the mother to interact with and receive positive reinforcements from (i.e., a smile or a funny face or noise), it becomes easier to attribute a meaning of personal growth to the experience and to be more enthusiastic about the experience (as in item “Being a mother is something that thrills me”). Another possibility is that the uncertainty during pregnancy about the development of childbirth, the baby’s health status, and one’s own experience of motherhood is positively influenced by delivery, thus positively impacting the Conviction dimension of ambivalence.
Like in Rejection, the expression of Doubts also differed across the two samples included in the study. This time, however, pregnant women showed a more encouraging outcome, particularly they were more likely to share their Doubts with others (i.e., relatives, romantic partner, and friends), while mother were keener to keep their doubts about motherhood to themselves. It is possible that women who are already mothers feel more social pressure to fulfil the tasks associated with motherhood and to show appreciation once the baby “is physically present”, so they might feel that they should suppress their doubts about motherhood, perhaps because they fear being judged and feel that it is their responsibility to know how solve the problems associated with motherhood [2]. Whatever the case, all these findings support the idea that programs aimed at targeting maternal ambivalence should be population-specific, in the sense that special emphasis should be made to enhance conviction and confidence about maternity during pregnancy, while emotional expression of ambivalence should be particularly encouraged during the postpartum to allow a healthier experience of maternity.
In the present study, the associations between maternal ambivalence and well-being have been interpreted as suggesting that ambivalence might be associated and probably lead to impaired emotional states and greater life dissatisfaction. Indeed, research has shown that maternal ambivalence is an unpleasant experience associated with mental distress [10, 14]. The debate on whether ambivalence is associated with negative affectivity or if ambivalence should be considered a strength [10] suggests that the former is more likely to represent the experience of ambivalence in pregnant women and mothers. Particularly, the presence of Doubts, Rejection, and the Suppression of ambivalence might boost or maintain the experience of unpleasant emotions such as anxiety and depressive symptoms. It is possible, however, that ambivalence appears or is enhanced by previous negative emotional states [2, 14]. Longitudinal studies are required to clarify this.
While this study has several strengths, including the solid theoretical background in scale development, the sample size, and the inclusion of women in two separate stages in the perinatal period (i.e., pregnant women and mothers of children under two years of age), the study also has some limitations. For example, as noted earlier during the text, the cross-sectional nature of the study prevents us from concluding whether the associations found are indicative of ambivalence leading to worse mood, worse mood leading to ambivalence, or both (as in a vicious cycle). Another limitation lies in the educational level and job status of the sample, which might be a consequence of the recruitment process used (i.e., online recruitment) and therefore impact the generalizability of the findings. In particular, 70% of the sample had university studies and 56% of them were active workers, so the results might not be representative of the general population of pregnant women and recent mothers in Spain. While the trend in the educational level in Spain show that women outnumber men in university studies [56], 70% is still not likely to be representative of the general population. As suggested by Koletzko and collaborators [14], who conducted a study with women who were mothers and who had professional careers prior to motherhood, it is possible that the degree of ambivalence is higher in people for whom motherhood consumes a large amount of temporary and economic resources that were previously destined to another area of their lives that brought them satisfaction (i.e., active workers). The extent to which this is true would require comparing the findings of the present study with a large sample of individuals recruited from other sources (e.g., hospitals) and women who have less access to the Internet or have a basic level of digital literacy. Despite this, the large sample recruited represents a considerable effort to obtain a robust measure of maternal ambivalence and the reduced number of exclusion criteria to participate into the study should benefit the external validity of the results. Another source of potential bias other than the selection of participants was the selection of content in the development of the MAS. Even though this was minimized by consulting a multidisciplinary panel of five experts in the field, bias in the content validity of the questionnaire cannot be ruled out. As a final remark, it is important to note that, while maternal ambivalence might be particularly relevant during pregnancy and early after birth, ambivalence might also be important for women who are deciding whether they want to become mothers, for those who are actively seeking to become pregnant, for more experienced mothers, or for surrogate mothers [12, 57], to name some examples. While including these populations was out of the scope of the present investigation, an analysis of differences in ambivalence across these groups would also be of interest for future research.